Wedding singing in call-and-response folk song of Vietnamese people

Across regions of our country, there are many forms of collective singing activities

between men and women: Quan Ho singing, Vi singing, Giam singing, Dam singing, Gheo

singing, Trong Quan singing, Co La singing, Khoan chanty, Ong chanty, Gia Gao chanty,

Cheo Ghe chanty, Cay chanty which are collectively called Call-and-Response Folk Songs.

These can be seen as conversations with the singing that is both direct and very artistic,

interesting and attractive of the old-time workers, most of whom are boys and girls in love.

Entering the singing, the boys and girls can call and respond to each other in many ways:

opening singing, welcoming singing, quiz singing, love-sick singing, blaming singing,

wedding singing, goodbye singing. Each stage has a different style and interesting

characteristics. Understanding these singing stages is essential to get a truly complete and

profound view of the role and value of the call-and-response folk songs in the community

life. Folk songs texts (comprising only the words and notes separated from the context, not

seamlessly arranged according to the singing process), from the research results, will also

be more thoroughly realized, true to the inherent values.

These call-and-response folk songs can be performed at anytime, anywhere, while

working, playing, and in festival. These lyrical songs meet the needs of composing and

enjoying the music of all classes and ages, jobs; therefore, they have the ability to connect

the community strongly. Each song has always fixed elements (singing style, theme,

content. predetermined) and not fixed (singers, listeners, places, times, situations.), that

is why the progress is often unduplicated. As the context of the performance changes, the

verses are also used creatively to create a concordance. No singings are the same. This is

the appeal of the call-and-response folk songs. The verses are both formal and creative.

The voices of the community and the performers are harmoniously combined. In this living

space, everyone feels “living” fully and completelywith their feelings, dreams and

aspirations.

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Wedding singing in call-and-response folk song of Vietnamese people
 TRƯỜNG ĐẠI HỌC SƯ PHẠM TP HỒ CHÍ MINH HO CHI MINH CITY UNIVERSITY OF EDUCATION
 TẠP CHÍ KHOA HỌC JOURNAL OF SCIENCE
 ISSN: KHOA HỌC XÃ HỘI VÀ NHÂN VĂN SOCIAL SCIENCES AND HUMANITIES
1859-3100 Tập 16, Số 7 (2019): 35-44 Vol. 16, No. 7 (2019): 35-44
 Email: tapchikhoahoc@hcmue.edu.vn; Website:  
 Research Article 
 WEDDING SINGING IN CALL-AND-RESPONSE FOLK SONGS* 
 OF VIETNAMESE PEOPLE 
 Nguyen Thi Ngoc Diep 
 Ho Chi Minh City University of Education 
 Corresponding author: Nguyen Thi Ngoc Diep – Email: diepntn@hcmue.edu.vn 
 Received: April 27, 2019; Revised: June 16, 2019; Accepted: July 10, 2019 
ABSTRACT 
 This paper examines the wedding songs in Vietnamese Call-and-Response folk songs 
between men and women about the characteristics and art language, showing some similarities 
(about meaning, function) and differences (about the numbers and capacity of wedding songs, style 
and tones) in these songs across different areas. The paper also focuses on clarifying the role of 
wedding singing in the overall process of antiphony, literary and cultural values (marriage, 
culinary and costume culture) of these songs in the old-time and present social life. 
 Keywords: Call-and-Response folk songs, wedding singing, wedding presents exaction, 
traditional culture, marriage customs. 
1. Across regions of our country, there are many forms of collective singing activities 
between men and women: Quan Ho singing, Vi singing, Giam singing, Dam singing, Gheo 
singing, Trong Quan singing, Co La singing, Khoan chanty, Ong chanty, Gia Gao chanty, 
Cheo Ghe chanty, Cay chanty which are collectively called Call-and-Response Folk Songs. 
These can be seen as conversations with the singing that is both direct and very artistic, 
interesting and attractive of the old-time workers, most of whom are boys and girls in love. 
Entering the singing, the boys and girls can call and respond to each other in many ways: 
opening singing, welcoming singing, quiz singing, love-sick singing, blaming singing, 
wedding singing, goodbye singing... Each stage has a different style and interesting 
characteristics. Understanding these singing stages is essential to get a truly complete and 
profound view of the role and value of the call-and-response folk songs in the community 
life. Folk songs texts (comprising only the words and notes separated from the context, not 
seamlessly arranged according to the singing process), from the research results, will also 
be more thoroughly realized, true to the inherent values. 
 These call-and-response folk songs can be performed at anytime, anywhere, while 
working, playing, and in festival... These lyrical songs meet the needs of composing and 
enjoying the music of all classes and ages, jobs; therefore, they have the ability to connect 
the community strongly. Each song has always fixed elements (singing style, theme, 
Cite this article as: Nguyen Thi Ngoc Diep (2019). Wedding singing in call-and-response folk songs* of 
Vietnamese people. Ho Chi Minh City University of Education Journal of Science, 16(7), 35-44. 
 35 
Tạp chí Khoa học Trường ĐHSP TPHCM Tập 16, Số 7 (2019): 35-44 
content... predetermined) and not fixed (singers, listeners, places, times, situations...), that 
is why the progress is often unduplicated. As the context of the performance changes, the 
verses are also used creatively to create a concordance. No singings are the same. This is 
the appeal of the call-and-response folk songs. The verses are both formal and creative. 
The voices of the community and the performers are harmoniously combined. In this living 
space, everyone feels “living” fully and completelywith their feelings, dreams and 
aspirations. Therefore, when “Trai thanh tân sánh gái mĩ miều” [The gentelman meets the 
beautiful lady], then “Trăm gươm kề cổ quyết liều cùng chơi” [Even when hundreds of 
swords are near the neck, they’re still nothing]. They want to “burn out” their best to “Hát 
cho lở đất long trời, Cho đời biết mặt, cho người biết tên “[Sing to the shattering earth and 
sky, so that the world knows our faces and names], as to meet each other it is not easy at all 
“Ở nhà nghe tiếng hò khoan, Trốn cha trốn mẹ băng ngàn tới đây” [I hear some shanty so I 
leave my family to be here]. They call and respond all-night endlessly because of the 
magic of the voices, of the words “Em nghe anh bỏ giọng trầm, Hồn xiêu phách lạc, vàng 
cầm em cũng buông” [When I hear your bass tone, I even drop the gold I’m holding] 
The process of a singing usually consists of the following forms: 1) The opening singing 
form comprising opening singing, greeting singing, asking after singing, promise singing, 
inviting singing, 2) The challenge singing Form comprising quizzing singing, exchanging 
singing, illustrative singing, catching singing; 3) The xe kết singing Form comprising 
longing singing, letter singing, promise singing, oath singing, complaining singing ... ng loan, Bốn chiếc tàu đồng chở hai họ đưa sang, Đàn ông dù Ngô, khăn nhiễu, 
đàn bà nón Thượng chóp vàng, Còn bao nhiêu con nít, bận áo hàng sơ mi!” [Your parents 
asked me not to know, but I asked to go to gold for hundreds of trays, Hundreds of 
motorbikes, hundred pairs of motorbikes, I went to white horses, you sat in a retina, Four 
copper ships carrying them both, Men Although Wu, a towel, and the golden top hat, how 
many children, how many shirts are there!] and another shopping song in the Southern: 
“Anh thương em, anh sắm cho em bộ áo dài màu cà, màu huyết, Anh đây nói thiệt, chẳng 
phải nói càn, Anh đây sắm cho em một cây kiềng vàng chạm tòng chạm bá, một bộ cà rá 
có chạm cửu long hường, Anh sắm cho em áo túi đủ màu, lụa Hà Đông, lục soạn” [I 
love you, I shop for you a long, dark-colored ao dai, I'm serious, I don't have to say 
anything, I buy for you a gold-rimmed tree with a touch, a set of curls with a touch of 
grace. I buy for you a full-color pocket shirt, Ha Dong silk]. 
 Wedding singing generally prefers the listed description to meet the purpose of 
exactingwedding presents, offering wedding presents, shopping... For the Northern, this 
method is used at a higher frequency than Central and South Vietnam due to the rhetoric, 
exaggerated dominating most of the singing stages. The old-time composers were poor 
farmers who had to work hard all year round but still underfed; however, on immersing on 
the song, they create a space for their imagination to weave a affluent life. From the 
inquiring singing (introducing the rich and successful family condition) to betel offering 
singing, water offering singing, call-on invitation (delicious, unique food; luxurious and 
 40 
Tạp chí Khoa học Trường ĐHSP TPHCM Nguyen Thi Ngoc Diep 
expensive containing boxes; skyscrapters) and singing wedding (noble, rare and precious; 
beautiful and valuable furniture)... all are consistent in a common style. Perhaps when they 
were immersed in singing activities, they wanted to get out of their daily life and dreams to 
relieve the pressure of making ends meet. The girls not only dream of a lavish wedding 
ceremony but also wish to receive respects: “Chàng về nhắn nhủ mẹ cha, Mua tre tiện đốt, 
làm nhà ở riêng, Chàng về nhắn nhủ láng giềng, Quét cổng, quét ngõ, ra giêng ta về” 
[He reminded his mother and father, Buy bamboo to burn, build houses separately, He 
reminded neighbors, Sweeping the gate, sweeping the lane, going back to my home...”], 
the procession of the bride has the elephant leading, the horse following, people holding 
the fan to cover the head, and servants. 
 Wedding singing in Central and Southern Vietnam, on the contrary, carries the clear 
resonance of daily life. The number of songs referring to the simple wedding ceremonies, 
simple offerings occupy the majority. What they concern about the most is not the material 
value but the obedience to the rituals: “Anh đi cho em một lễ thỉnh kì, Heo thời một cặp, gà 
ri một lồng” [You went to me for a special occasion, Pig in a pair, a chicken in a cage], 
“Người ta giàu thì đầu heo nọng thịt, Hai đứa mình nghèo cặp vịt đôi bông” [People are 
rich when they have a pig's head, we are poor with a couple of ducks and ear rings] 
 Thus, the difference lies not only in the quantity and capacity but also in the distinct 
color, style and tones of each region, etc. The Northern region is a land of cultural 
traditions, long-established rituals that the singing is built on that basis. Call-and-response 
singing activities are often a combination of many singing stages and a clear form. 
Therefore, the common existence of wedding singing is natural. Moving to the south, the 
land with a new history of formation, the customs of marriage from the outskirts following 
the footsteps of immigrants bring in are also open, more compact and the call-and-response 
folk songs do not often follw the predetermined “lines” and had a more liberal nature, so 
the wedding songs account for a small part and the content dóe not put a burden on the 
wedding pesents exacting and offering. It seems that wedding songs here are for poverty, 
but that is the money poverty, not ritual or gratitude poverty. 
5. On overall, call-and-response folk songs in general and wedding singing in particular 
are the full and vivid expressions of the inner world of the old-time people with hopes, 
worries, joys and sadness... 
 This is really the “self-singing”, “self-talk” of the male and female youth before their 
marriage threshold. Singing activities create conditions for each individual to be connected 
to the community, raise their voices, and meet the harmonious souls. Facing each other and 
the crowd of attendees, they seem to be not hesitant singing about what seem to be their 
private things, because that is their own personalities (affection, creativity) and the 
commonplace of the community (what is inherent) have joined together. This creates an 
attraction that is difficult to resist for both singers and listeners, forming interesting 
“playgrounds” and as a result, wedding songs become more and more rich and unique. 
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Tạp chí Khoa học Trường ĐHSP TPHCM Tập 16, Số 7 (2019): 35-44 
Through the “long list” with the high requirements of the number and quality of offerings 
with the listing manipulation in a humorous tone, we can see somewhat critical attitude of 
the old-time workers toward the exacting wedding presents. Some statements of both sides 
have a direct mention of this depraved custom. The female side themselves find it 
unnecessary: “Em là thân phận nữ nhi, Thầy mẹ thách cưới làm chi bẽ bàng”. The male 
said: “Anh là con trai học trò, Em thách cưới thế anh lo thế nào” [I am a part of the 
female child, the mother and father challenge the wedding to be humiliating...; I am a son 
of the student, you challenge that wedding, how am I...]. A free marriage, unconstrained by 
the concept of “suitable alliance”, not requiring high-class offerings as a sale, without 
“exaction” and “bargaining”... is really an aspiration of the couples at that time. Talking 
about marriage, for poor workers, worries and lament are unavoidable. Wedding singing 
reflects closely, honestly and these feelings: “Cưới em anh nghĩ cũng lo, Con lợn chẳng có, 
con bò thì không” [If I marry you, I think it is also worrying. The pig does not have it, 
the cow does not]. Besides, the dream of a wedding that is full, a life without worries is 
also expressed quite clearly. The reality of the daily hardship and the hard living earning 
couldn't eliminate their creative spirit, sense of humor, inspiration and enthusiasm. It can 
be said that wedding singing has contributed to bringing a close look on life and people in 
a passed historical period. 
6. From the cultural perspective, the wedding singing provides the readers with more 
insights of the customs of old-day marriage. “We are both poor”. When shopping for 
newlyweds..., the customs are always mentioned naturally and vividly in a significant 
amount, lasting from the time when the two families intend to hold a wedding until it is 
completed with a wedding. Beginning is a matchmaking procedure. The girls often tell 
their lovers “Thương em đừng dỗ đừng dành, Cậy mai dong tới nói, cha mẹ đành em ưng” 
[Love me, don't coax, don't talk, Say it to me, my parents agree I agree]. They play such an 
important role that they are an indispensable guest on the happy day, even at very poor 
weddings: “Phía bên anh đừng mời chi đông, Nội cha với mẹ, vợ chồng ông mai” [His 
side did not invite the eastern branch, Grandfather father with his mother, his wife 
tomorrow...]. The man who wants to get married must pay a sum of money or gifts as 
prescribed to the village so that the marriage is recognized by everyone. This is also a great 
challenge for the poor. Wedding singing has refered to this custom many times: “Anh về 
thưa mẹ cùng cha, Bắt lợn sang cưới, bắt gà sang cheo” [You return to your mother and 
father, Catching pigs to marry, catching chickens to ask]. The process of marriage must go 
through six ceremonies, including rite of asking names and asking ritual. After getting the 
consent of the girl's family, the son's family brings betel and areca, and officially mentions 
the issue. It is a rite of asking names. From here on, it is considered that the girl has found 
a new place: “Anh về thưa với ông bà, Buồng cau chai rượu để mà vấn danh”. Asking 
ritual is a ceremony where the man's family confirms that he would definitely marry the 
girl and asks for a suitable day to arrange a wedding: “Anh đi cho em một lễ thỉnh kì, Heo 
 42 
Tạp chí Khoa học Trường ĐHSP TPHCM Nguyen Thi Ngoc Diep 
thời một cặp, gà ri một lồng”. During his unmarried period, the man is obliged to give 
gifts to his parents-in-law at Tet or on other important occasions of the year, called tục sêu: 
“Anh về thưa mẹ cùng cha, Bắt lợn sang cưới, bắt gà sang sêu”. Before the reception of 
the bride, the bride's family organized for the family and relatives to meet the bride before 
she moves to her husband's house, called the family group: “Anh về dọn dẹp loan phòng, 
Mười ba nhóm họ bữa rằm rước dâu”. In addition, there are also bride see-off and bride 
pick-up customs: “Xin chàng trăm đôi chiếu hoa, Để rải ra ngõ họ nhà đón dâu”, 
ancestral ceremony and congratulating on the both sides' parents ceremony: “Xin chàng 
một vạn quan tiền, Để về làm lễ gia tiên ông bà”, eating and worshiping betel customs 
“Đính hôn vui vẻ thiếp chàng, Mâm trầu, hũ rượu đàng hoàng mới rước dâu!” [Cheerful 
engagement you and me, betel areca nut, wine jar dignified new procession] 
 Not only is it a place to store the extremely interesting customs, the wedding singing 
also provides detailed and clear lines in the culinary culture, costumes of the ancient 
Vietnamese. Traditional dishes, specialties of the regions are enthusiastically listed: cake, 
sticky rice, gruel, nem, spring rolls, wine (daisies, lotus wine, spicy wine), tea (Van tea, 
Dai Loc tea)... Popular types of clothing appear with high frequency: clothes, scarf (square 
head scarf, neckerchief, handkerchiefs) made of brocade, stalks, silk, and silver rings and 
gold rings, torques, rafters, belts, bat wings umbrellas, Chinese shoes, flower shoes,... 
There are local products mentioned proudly like the Nghe hats (Thanh Hoa, Nghe An): 
“Ba trăm nón Nghệ đội đầu, Mỗi người một cái quạt tàu cầm xinh” [three hundreds of 
Nghe hats for the heads, each person is holdding a chinese fan beautifully] or the Silk 
fabric in Binh Dinh: Tấm lụa An Thái em bận cho mát, Lụa Kiểng Hàng em bận lót mồ hôi, 
Nón Phú Trung anh chạy đồi mồi, Gấm Nước Mặn chạy hoa bông cúc” [The An Thai 
silk cloth I wear because it’s cool, the King Hang silk cloth I wear to absorb sweat, the Phu 
Trung hat I include the tortoise-shell, the Nuoc Man brocade I include the chrysanthemum] 
(these places are in this province). 
7. From the above descriptions, it can be seen that wedding singing is a unique stage in 
the whole process of call-and-response singing activities. The boy and the girl performing 
must “play” and “embody” like real couples who love each other and are about to get 
married. Getting married is an intense wish, and also a concern for many couples. The 
wedding singing stage brings men and women both romantic dreams and moments of 
sadness and anxiety for their entire life. The existence of these songs demonstrates the 
need to talk and interact with each other in the community on marriage-related issues 
(money and happiness, marriage customs, parental power, and public opinions...). Voices, 
views are intertwined and each person finds himself the necessary “conclusions”. 
 Though called generally as wedding singing, in each region, the songs have their 
own unique shapes and looks. Each text of the lyrics carries in it the imprints of the living 
environment, of the local culture. The call-and-response folk songs, in general or on each 
stage, are “specialties” of each region and area. Wedding singing is a vivid demonstration 
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Tạp chí Khoa học Trường ĐHSP TPHCM Tập 16, Số 7 (2019): 35-44 
of beauty in the unity and diversity of folklore. 
 At the present time, wedding singing can also be seen as valuable products that 
contain a lot of potential for research and teaching at all levels, most notably the literary 
and cultural aspects. Wedding singing in particular, the call-and-response in general 
deserves a deep understanding as researcher To Ngoc Thanh has affirmed: “This is a type 
of folk performance with many cultural-art social behavior products with high quality. (...) 
In the folklore of each ethnic group, the products of charming love are often considered as 
one of the symbols carrying the national cultural identity” (To Ngoc Thanh, 2007, p.37). 
  Conflict of Interest: Author have no conflict of interest to declare. 
 REFERENCES 
Giang Thu, Tran San, & Pham Thi Huyen. (2003). Learning about Thuy Nguyen mo mat Festival, 
 Dum Singing festival in Hai Phong. Hanoi: Culture and Information Publishing House. 
Faculty of Literature – Can Tho University. (1997). Folklore of the Mekong Delta. Ho Chi Minh 
 City: Education Publishing House. 
Ma Giang Lan, Nguyen Đinh Buu. (1976). Vi Singing of Ha Bac Delta. Department of culture of 
 Ha Bac Press. 
Nguyen Van Huyen. (1995). Contribution to the study of Vietnamese culture, 1. Hanoi: Social 
 Science Publishing House. 
Ninh Viet Giao. (2002). Phuong vai Singing. Hanoi: Culture and Information Publishing House, 
 Dong Tay cultural and language center. 
To Ngoc Thanh. (2007). Record of culture and music. Hanoi: Social Science Publishing House. 
V.Ia. Propp. (2004). Collection of V.Ia. Propp’s, 2. Translated by Chu Xuan Dien, Nguyen Quang 
 Le, Nguyen Thi Kim Loan, Tran Thi Phuong Phuong. Hanoi: National culture Publishing 
 House. Journal of Culture and Art. 
 HÁT CƯỚI TRONG DÂN CA ĐỐI ĐÁP NGƯỜI VIỆT 
 Nguyễn Thị Ngọc Điệp 
 Trường Đại học Sư phạm Thành phố Hồ Chí Minh 
 Tác giả liên hệ: Nguyễn Thị Ngọc Điệp – Email: diepntn@hcmue.edu.vn 
 Ngày nhận bài: 27-4-2019; ngày nhận bài sửa: 16-6-2019; ngày duyệt đăng: 10-7-2019 
TÓM TẮT 
 Bài viết khảo sát những bài hát cưới trong dân ca đối đáp nam nữ người Việt về đặc điểm 
nội dung và ngôn ngữ nghệ thuật, chỉ ra một số điểm tương đồng (về ý nghĩa, chức năng) và dị biệt 
(về số lượng bài hát, dung lượng mỗi bài, phong cách, giọng điệu) trong những bài hát này ở các 
địa phương. Bài viết cũng tập trung làm rõ vai trò của hát cưới trong tổng thể tiến trình đối ca, giá 
trị văn học và văn hóa (văn hóa cưới xin, ẩm thực và trang phục) của những bài hát này trong đời 
sống xã hội xưa và nay. 
 Từ khóa: dân ca đối đáp, hát cưới, thách cưới, văn hóa truyền thống, phong tục hôn nhân. 
 44 

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